An introduction to the
DP part (on societal personality and creativity) of
Therivel's GAM/DP Theory of Personality and Creativity.
Introduction To DP
(Division of Power)
The Long Term Effect of Power on
Creativity - Introduction
The above is the title of chapter 11 of volume 1 of
William A. Therivel's The GAM/DP Theory of Personality
and Creativity (G stands for genetic
endowment, A for assistances of youth, M
for misfortunes of youth, DP for division of
power, UP for unity of power). This chapter is
the introduction to the DP part of the theory. For an
introduction to the GAM part of the theory click "Introduction
to GAM".
In this website, the reader is also offered a shortcut:
The GAM/DP Synopsis
and an expanded version, The GAM/DP
Summary of volumes 1 through 6.
Hereafter are the contents and some pages of this long
chapter:
The Long Term Effect of Power on
Creativity
This chapter is divided into the following sections:
I. Ethnopsychology
1. Introduction
2. Insular
3. Visitor
4. Other Causes of Insularity
5. Transmission by Cultural
Continuity
6. Insular Less
Creative, Visitor More Creative
II. Times and Places of Creativity
1. The Origins of the
Division of Power in the West
2. The New Power of the
Law and the New Visitor Ethnopsychology
3. Political Fragmentation
4. Mozart, Child of the
Division of Power of the Enlightenment
5. Origins and Decline
of Creativity: Three Brief Case Studies
I. Ethnopsychology
1. Introduction
The type of power, whether
united or divided, exercised over a society for a long
period of time has a profound influence on individual
personality development, on the buildup of overall culture
and mentalities, and on creativity at the personal and
social levels. The difference in psychological and social
results and pertaining types of civilization deriving
from either a single source of power or a divided one
is so fundamental as to demand the creation of two new
psychological terms. The two terms that are proposed,
for theoretical and practical applications, are insular
and visitor. The first refers to the personality
type or type of civilization that evolved gradually
under the oppression of one single, unified source of
power. The second refers to the result of the impact
of a multiplicity of sources of powers conflicting with
one another.
The psychological characteristics
of the insular and visitor personalities
are given in Table 5. These can be used to broadly divide
people or civilizations. For instance, these new terms
can be used for an additional understanding of the development
of the personal and social philosophy of life of most
later-period Chinese and many Latin Americans seen as
insulars and of most Western Europeans and North Americans
seen as visitors.
Table 5
Summary
of Visitor Versus Insular Personality
Characteristics.
The Developmental Results of
Long-Term Division of Power (DP) or Unity
of Power (UP) |
|
Visitor
(Shaped by DP) |
Insular
(Shaped by UP) |
Is
/ Has / Does / Believes In / Favors |
Free
will and individualism |
Determinism,
fatalism and group thinking |
Less
centered on family and clan |
More
centered on family and clan |
Frankness
and speaking one's mind |
Silence
and dissimulation |
Going
places and taking risks |
Staying
put and playing it safe |
Independent,
self-directed, self-sufficient and self-confident |
Dependent,
conformist, knowing one's place, intolerant of nonconformity |
Other
modifying |
Self
modifying |
Separation,
justice perspective, detailed laws, frequent recourse
to legal fights |
Connection,
caring perspective, compromise,patriarchal or imperial
fiat |
Controlling
one's life |
Being
controlled, or controlling others |
Assertive |
Acquiescent |
Optimist |
Pessimist |
Egocentric |
Abnegative |
Dialogue,
negotiations, checks and balances |
Submission
or imposition, inquisition, discipline of others |
Doubts
and criticism of leaders and supremos |
Belief
in the infallibility of
leaders and supremos |
Democracy
and federalism |
Aristocracy
and central government |
Initiator
or volunteer for the good |
Leaves
initiative to group or state or is conscript and
draftee |
Revolutionary
and creative (especially in philosophy, religion,
politics, science) |
Conservative
and less creative (especially in philosophy, religion,
politics, science) |
Pelagian
perspective that emphasizes the primacy of human
efforts |
Augustinian
perspective that emphasizes original sin, predestination
and salvation from above |
The insular personality
is the result of a life, youth in particular, in a society
ruled by one domineering power or one dominating hierarchy,
(e.g., the emperor, king, local lord, or, in modern
times, the government, political party, industry, or
professional boss) and where this power is not restricted
by any major division of power--in other words, when
there is no possibility of maneuver, for the individual
or the group, by switching allegiance. Insular people
know that they have no recourse, no escape, and that
they must stay in the good graces of the power holder
or that their only alternative is to fight and seize
power: something not open to many. Under these conditions
insulars must learn to show a good face and never exhibit
unhappiness or, worse, hatred or a desire to revolt,
because the power above will crush them, sooner or later,
and nobody will come to their rescue. Patience and dissimulation,
silence and accommodation must be their virtues, which
are strongly engraved in their mental scripts.
Visitors, instead,
know that they can always resort to Power Holder A,
who will surely welcome new supporters in the fight
against Power Holder B. In modern times this will mean
having recourse to the legislative power if things go
wrong with the executive or appeal for help to the judiciary,
one of the political parties, the clergy, or the unions.
Visitors know that they can never be harmed too badly,
never be crushed because somebody else will come to
their aid. The press, for instance, will always welcome
a good fight. Consequently, visitors have faith in themselves
as persons in control of important aspects in their
lives, and in turn this will give them faith in their
autonomy. They may therefore take risks, even against
the power closest to them, including that of father
and mother.
2. Insular
Without recourse against
the power above, insular persons must protect themselves
through the strongest ties at their own level and at
the hierarchical levels under them. This means maximum
emphasis on family ties. Only the closest relatives
(parents, spouse, children) will help them in case of
trouble. The family must be united; the family must
be the secure haven where each can take off the hated
mask of smiling obedience. The children must know that
they can count on their parents, regardless of whatever
happens to them. The father in particular--more exposed
to the boss--must count on total fidelity and obedience
from wife and children. This is imperative for survival.
Then, if at all possible, the father and mother will
search for the alliance of an extended family or of
the clan. In a country under unity of power no one is
ever sure of his position, because every power holder
will have a tyrant above him in a chain that leads to
the ultimate power holder, say the emperor, who in turn
can never feel safe because too many vie for his power.
To protect himself, every power holder, from the supreme
ruler down to the father, will preach the virtues of
fidelity, of "knowing one's place," of complete
obedience and love. The emperor or pope or clan head
will present himself as "father," and the
father will demand to be the emperor of his family.
Once this is taken into
account, one can understand the existence of contrasting
reports of basic insular behavior (e.g., "impassivity/inscrutability"
versus "emotivity/friendship," or even "fear
of freedom.") The explanation lies in "with
whom and where," as shown in the following comments
on the tripartite division of all social relations among
Chinese by professor Yang Kuo-shu, as reported by Kleinman
and Kleinman (1991):
The
nearest compartment is occupied by family and close
friends. Here, trust is unconditional, and certain
private feelings can be revealed. The second compartment
contains distant family and friends. Here trust
is conditional, and feelings will only occasionally
be expressed, and always with great caution. The
most distant compartment contains relations with
strangers. Here there is an absolute lack of trust,
and inner experience is not to be expressed lest
it is used against one's family and social network.
. . . Demonstrating strong feelings, including the
menaced and aggrieved affects of suffering, is dangerous,
because it gives others power over relationships
and restricts one's flexibility to respond effectively.
Ultimately, uncontrolled emotional displays threaten
one's position in a world of power. (p.288) |
These are the personal
weltanschauungen and life strategies of most
Chinese of the recent past and the present, in a country
where the emperor once, and now the Communist Party,
had undisputed power, in a country famous for its strong
family ties and its almost worshipful respect and devotion
to parents and ancestors.
Mexico's leading poet,
Nobel laureate, essayist, and cultural critic, Octavio
Paz (1950/1985), noticed common characteristics between
Mexicans and Chinese:
Our
hermeticism is baffling or even offensive to strangers,
and it has created the legend of the Mexican as
an inscrutable being. Our suspicions keep us at
a distance. . .The impression we create is much
like that created by Orientals. They too--the Chinese,
the Hindus, the Arabs--are hermetic and indecipherable.
(p.65) For Paz, Mexicans shut themselves away and
wear a mask because they instinctively regard the
world as dangerous: "It is revealing that our
intimacy never flowers in a natural way, only when
incited by fiestas, alcohol, or death. Slaves, servants,
and submerged races always wear a mask, whether
smiling or sullen" (p.70). After having stressed
that this reaction is justifiable in view of the
history of the Mexicans, Paz made a remark about
them that is nearly identical to that by Kleinman
and Kleinman, reported previously, for the Chinese:
"Only when they are alone, during the great
moments of life, do they dare to show themselves
as they are. All their relationships are poisoned
by fear and suspicion: fear of the master and suspicion
of their equals. Each keeps watch over the other
because every companion could also be a traitor"
(p.70). |
For Arabic city-dwellers
since several generations, the family is the state,
a be-all-and-end-all in itself, where every child grows
up feeling that his prime responsibility is not toward
society but toward his family or, in the words of Vatikiotis
(1987): "The bastion of traditional Islamic values
remains the family; it is the principal intermediary
between the individual and his social-cultural milieu.
Such values as authoritarianism, respect for seniority,
male dominance, overdependence on social milieu and
status, helplessness vis-à-vis state power
and lack of personal initiative are still widely, overwhelmingly
prevalent" (p.70).
Barzini (1965) made similar
comments on the insulars of southern Italy:
The
Italian family is a stronghold in a hostile land:
within its walls and among its members, the individual
finds consolation, help, advice, provisions, loans,
weapons, allies and accomplices to aid him in his
pursuit. No Italian who has a family is ever alone.
He finds in it a refuge in which to lick his wounds
after a defeat, or an arsenal and a staff for his
victorious drives. . .This is, of course, nothing
new, surprising, or unique. In many countries and
among many people, past and present, where legal
authority is weak and the law is resented, the safety
and welfare of the individual are mainly assured
by the family. The Chinese, for instance, in their
imperial days held the cult of the family more praiseworthy
than the love of country and the love of good. .
.The family extracts everybody's first loyalty.
It must be defended, enriched, made powerful, respected,
and feared by the use of whatever means are necessary,
legitimate means, if at all possible, or illegitimate.
(pp. 198-201) |
3. Visitor
Visitors may actually
not be freer in their actions than insular individuals,
but they are visitors in the knowledge that they live
in a world where a major division of power exists, and
where in case of need they can exert control over their
lives by changing sides from Power A to Power B. Under
each of these powers they may have the same practical
lack of freedom--like a soldier in an army--but they
have some power in the knowledge that both powers A
and B know that they can change sides. This, in turn,
will force each of these powers to sharpen their discourses
and institutional practices (Foucault, 1980) in order
to win adherents to their side by the sheer--or contributory--power
of the reasonableness of their claim and corresponding
right to differentiate. Through listening to these opposing
discourses the visitor will be born and will progressively
be realigned and transformed (Wartenberg, 1990).
North Americans are visitors
par excellence (at times visitors with a vengeance against
themselves) living, as they are, in the country with
the greatest division of power since more than two centuries.
In the last quarter of the eighteenth century, no nation
in the world was governed by officially defined separated
and divided powers providing checks and balances on
the exercise of authority by those who governed. The
Declaration of Independence of 1776 was a first step
toward this division and was followed by the Constitution
of 1787 and the Bill of Rights of 1791. Each had antecedents
back to the English Bill of Rights, the Magna Carta,
and the Investiture Controversy of 1075-1122.
Insular Less Creative, Visitor More
Creative
The insular personality
is less creative at each of the three systems of Csikszentmihalyi's
(1988a) "triangular locus of creativity":
person, domain (symbol system), field
(social organization of domain). In terms of the person,
insulars have less of the insight/inspiration that
comes from "seeing the world in a new and different
light" (Weiten, 1989, p. 292) because the strength
of their scripts tells them how to interpret new information,
instead of how to understand it. In consequence, insulars
are pleased with the old-for them fundamental-elements
of their world; and if there are major problems, it
must be due to a lack of fidelity to the tradition that
must be brought back through a number of fundamentalist
accommodations, but it also eliminates creativity.
In an insular world, the
field blesses only those works which fit the
approved truth/traditions/scripts. In consequence, anything
new is refused and excommunicated: with no hiding place
and little opportunity to move to an independent field
free to appreciate and protect it. In the end, the person
has no incentive to put 99 percent of perspiration behind
his or her unorthodox 1 percent of inspiration. Similar
considerations apply to the insular domain, which
consists of rigid themes and exacting performing rules.
An example of this is
the insular personality of the ancient Egyptians of
the later dynasties, who had lived for long centuries
under the pharaoh's supreme unity of civilian, economic,
and religious power as manifested in the constancy of
their domain: "In techniques, art, and writing,
the methods developed in the earliest times remained,
in general terms, satisfactory for the needs of the
Egyptian people and over the centuries required only
the modifications resulting from natural development
within a fairly closed culture. This self-sufficiency
.
amounted almost to a sort of cultural stagnation"
(T. James, 1978, p. 460).
In essence, insular people
are less creative because they are subject to a single
truth linked intrinsically to one single power.
Times and Places of Creativity
The Origins of the Division of Power in the West
The modern visitor personality
was born when, at the end of the eleventh century, two
fundamental powers, papacy and empire, preaching different
ontological/epistemological truths began opposing each
other, in what can be labeled as a major war of the
scripts. The result was a creative revolution linked
to new evolving truths, different from those fabricated
by each of the two powers, closer to scientific truth,
and more humane, because they arose in a broader dialectic
world less subservient to the great powers.
This war of the scripts
was possible because, for the first time in history,
a series of unarmed religious leaders (the popes) were
able to oppose the lay rulers (emperors and kings).
This fundamental role by the popes was possible because
of the unique characteristics at the origin of the West.
Indeed, Western civilization
is different in kind from any other civilization, not
only because of its Judaic, Greek, Roman, Germanic foundation
but also because it was formed from the synergy of a
monotheistic religion, that was not founded by a military
commander, and the special geo/historical/cultural/political
role played by the city of Rome as seat of the popes.
The notion of a single God legitimatizes the idea of
a single underlying universal truth and unitary paradigms
and excludes, a priori, a "religious" division
of power among leaders of the cult of different gods.
Consequently, for centuries, the popes were the leaders
of the only religion of the West, and this gave them
an enormous power. In addition, their geopolitical position
in Rome distanced them from the direct impact of the
lay power which resided in the capital cities of Germany,
Spain or France. This, instead, was not the case for
the Patriarch of Constantinople and Moscow, who bore
immediately the brunt of any displeasure by their secular
masters.
In the wake of the ecclesiastical
and spiritual reforming spirit of the eleventh century,
the popes, as soon as they felt reasonably secure from
military repression and in good control of the Church,
launched an attack against the German "Holy Roman"
emperors in what was to become a centuries long War
of Supremacy (1075-1313), of which the Investiture Controversy
of 1075-1122 was the first and most important episode.
“In their own day the Gregorians
by no means had the forum of public debate to themselves. On the contrary,
their discussions of the nature of a Christian world order called forth a
variety of comments, critiques, and treatises reflecting almost every shade
of opinion. It is indicative of both the intense feelings that the Gregorian
reform aroused and the increased literacy in the eleventh century that the
surviving treatises of the period on church-state relations fill more than
two thousand pages when printed in modern folio. It is not much of an
exaggeration to say that it seems that around the year 1100 almost every
monk in western Europe was writing a pamphlet on church and kingship.”
(Cantor, 1993, The Civilization of the Middle Ages, p. 264)
The War of Supremacy ended
in a dynamic dialectical stalemate: the popes, while
being able to reduce considerably the power of the emperors,
could not win a decisive victory. A de-facto division
of power evolved at every level of society, with corresponding
checks and balances on the exercise of authority. For
each secular level of power there was an equivalent
religious level of power: emperor/pope, king/cardinal
primate, prince/bishop, small lord/parish priest.
The New Power of the Law and the New Visitor Ethnopsychology
From the time of Charlemagne
onward, the Church promoted the promulgation of written
laws, the study of the law, and maximum respect for
the law, because only the law could protect the Church's
properties from the never-ending financial needs of
the secular lords. The only real protection for the
Church was in having the law superior to the king. In
the words of Paul Johnson (1976): "The law had
first been put in writing to provide specifically for
the protection of clerks and their property" (p.
204).
In parallel, there was
a visitor evolution in the people's minds that came
from being informed of and participating in the confrontation
of the two powers, lay and religious, and their ideologies
and ways of life. People could reason about them, compare,
and often play one power against the other. In this
process, part of the power went to the burghers who
began to look at emperors and popes, at lords and priests,
with a detached and critical eye, and began to build
for themselves a world free of both types of power,
under the protection of a law superior to both.
That the beginning of
a full-fledged visitor ethnopsychology happened
at the time of the Investiture Controversy had been
remarked-following a different track-by Colin Morris
in his The Discovery of the Individual 1050-1200
when he wrote that "there is a rapid rise in individualism
and humanism from about 1080 to 1150" (1972, p.
7), an individualism truly unique to the West, as Morris
had stressed a few pages before: "The Asiatic and
Eastern tradition of thought has set much less store
by the individual than the West has done. Belief in
reincarnation virtually excludes individuality in the
Western sense. For each person is but a manifestation
of the life within him, which will be reborn, after
his apparent death, in another form. Western individualism
is therefore far from expressing the common experience
of humanity. Taking a world view, one might almost regard
it as an eccentricity among cultures" (p. 2).
Clifford Geertz in his
On the Nature of Anthropological Understanding,
had felt the need to remind his readers that "the
Western conception of the person as a bounded, unique,
more or less integrated motivational and cognitive universe,
a dynamic center of awareness, emotion, judgment, and
action organized into a distinctive whole and set contrastively
both against a social and natural background is, however
incorrigible it may seem to us, a rather peculiar idea
within the context of world's cultures" (1975,
p. 48).
However, what more eccentric
and peculiar among cultures than the key episode of
the Investiture Controversy: the humiliation of Emperor
Henry IV at Canossa in 1077 at the hand of Pope Gregory
VII. The excommunicated emperor, in penitent garb-after
a long journey from Germany to Italy-begged pardon for
three days, in the snow, from a priest who was armed
only with the religious prestige of being the successor
of Saint Peter in Rome, the representative of who had
said, "Render therefore unto Caesar the things
which are Caesar's and unto God the things that are
God's" (Matthew 22:22). Such a humiliation of a
mighty lay ruler by a religious ruler was unique in
the history of civilizations.
In England, the Investiture
Controversy and later the protracted fight between King
John and Pope Innocent II and between the King and Stephen
Langton-the man whom the Pope chose as archbishop of
Canterbury against the King's nominee-led to the signing
of the Magna Carta in 1215. It was indeed Stephen Langton
who directed the baronial unrest into a demand for a
solemn grant of liberties by the King. Appropriately,
the very first article of the Magna Carta asserts that
"the English Church shall be free, and shall have
its rights undiminished and its liberties unimpaired."
Accordingly, it was used by the Church against the kings,
for instance, when in 1279 archbishop Pecham "required
that copies of Magna Carta, 'the charter of the lord
king concerning the liberties of the church,' be displayed
in cathedral and collegiate churches as a reminder to
all who entered" (Haines, 1986, P. 218). In turn,
the Magna Carta played a central role as the progenitor
of most national and state constitutions.
Thanks to the continuous
fights between popes and emperors from 1075 to 1330,
the cities could gradually free themselves from the
domination of their masters, the German emperors. In
the absence of kings and emperors these cities could
develop their "modern" commercial and political
institutions:
Europe's
.towns
were marked by an unparalleled freedom. They had
developed as autonomous worlds and according to
their own propensities
. In the financial sphere,
the towns organized taxation, finances, public credit,
customs and excise. They invented public loans
.
They organized industry and guilds; they invented
long-distance trade, bills of exchange, the first
forms of trading companies and accountancy. (Braudel,
1979, pp. 509-512) |
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